Ever since Daily Nigerian broke the heart-wrenching account of a crime syndicate in Kano that specialized in abducting local kids and selling them off in the Southeast for adoption, changing their names and religion in the process, there has been some discussion on the general coverage of northern Nigeria by the southern press, with Simon Kolawole the latest in a growing list of pundits acknowledging the media’s anti-northern bias.
This is not a new thing. Institutionalised anti-north (and by extension, anti-Muslim) bias is the default editorial policy and we are not even expected to talk or complain about it. It is difficult for the average southerner to acknowledge this given Nigeria’s ethnic and sectarian dichotomy. That’s why some southern commentators are more outraged by genuine complaints of media bias by northerners than the actual crime committed against those innocent kids in Kano.
As the case drags on throughout last week, there’s a predictable media blackout against the whole issue. The press hardly mention it. Because their default culprit is now the victim. It doesn’t fit into the editorial narrative of the Hausa-Fulani aggressor. Crimes involving northern victims and southern perpetrators are hardly ever reported, and when reported, they are framed in a way that the perpetrators appear blameless.
Down here on social media, the reaction is similar. There wasn’t the usual outrage that will accompany a crime of that proportion if the story is reversed, if it were actually some Hausa-Fulani syndicate abducting igbo kids in Enugu and selling them off in Kano, hausanizing them and forcefully converting them to Islam.
No long-trending hashtags, no calls for protests, no press conferences, no gutless northern governors traveling across the Niger to offer collective apology on behalf of all of us, no tough press releases from the presidency and other government officials. Some lives are undoubtedly more equal than others.
Some even said we should focus on the crime and forget about the insignificant fact of their conversion to igbo or Christians.
No! Even in the absence of abduction, forcefully giving those kids igbo names and changing their religion is also a crime, making the whole experience doubly despicable. The first crime of abducting them is pure evil, the second crime of changing their identity is a clear case of dehumanization and should be equally and separately condemned.
And no, that doesn’t implicate christianity or the igbo culture and no igbo or Christian person should feel personally apologetic over a crime perpetrated by those that share his/her identity/faith. The criminals should be held to account as individuals and not as representatives of any faith or culture. This should be our default perspective towards every crime irrespective of the identity of the victim or perpetrator.
But if you pursue a relentless campaign of ethnic and sectarian victimhood when ‘your own’ is the victim, you have relinquished the moral right to preach against that when ‘your own’ becomes the perpetrator. It is this blundering hypocrisy that we should all rise against and this hypocrisy can be found on all sides.
Interestingly, this has been the case since independence. In his speech at the opening of the New Nigerian newspaper, Sir Ahmadu Bello lamented thus: ‘this region has in the past been a frequent victim of prejudice, distortion and downright falsehood on the part of certain organs in the newspaper world. I hope this newspaper will not descend to such levels against anybody anywhere.’ The fact that this practice only becomes worse speaks volumes about how far we have fallen behind as a nation.
Some argue that the north should also invest in the media to be able to adequately tell its stories or confront the campaign of misinformation against it. Granted that this is important, but it risks reducing the journalism profession to a propaganda contest, to a disinformation tit-for-tat. Journalism is a serious business, far from the fake news and hate speech industry it is sadly becoming in some places.
What we need is education and genuine dialogue, one that’s founded on mutual respect and trust. It is through education that we will equip our people with the right tool to fight disinformation. It is through genuine dialogue that we can dismantle those ethnic and sectarian barriers and deconstruct the lazy stereotypes that legitimize them.
Therefore, it is impossible to discuss the media’s coverage of the Kano abduction without discussing the greater media coverage of northern Nigeria. I hope one day the southern press will come to terms with its anti-north bias. But even if it does, it will have a hard time de-educating and deradicalizing the millions of southern masses that are fed on a steady diet of fear, suspicions and conspiracy theories about an imaginary Hausa-Fulani Muslim hegemon that is seeking to islamize the country and take their lands.
By Ahmed Musa Hussani
Fulani: The Unfinished Work of Danfodio By Dr. Aliyu Tilde
The Fulani in the past few years are in our minds and news for the wrong reason—the banditry that has plagued the Northwest countryside. In the North today, Fulani in popular parlance connotes the cattle Fulani, whom I humorously classified as Fula naturalis in my 1999 column. Unlike their cousins, the town Fulani—Fula domesticus—who have enjoyed and partook in building civilizations across West and Central Africa, F. naturalis have very limited contact with civilization. Their life is defined by cattle and forest.
The cow—the master of the F. naturalis—is their sole merchandise and currency. It defines their geography. They follow the master to wherever its interest of pasture and water lead, thus denying them a permanent address or nationality but assuring them over the centuries of an enduring economy that sustains their republican disposition and freedom from political subservience of numerous city states and empires. With the guide of this master, they witnessed the rise and fall of ancient Ghana, Mali, Songhai, Borno and the Hausa States and negotiated the Continent’s savanna forests from Senegal in the West to The Sudan and Ethiopia in the East and Congo in the South.
When they lose the master—or the master loses them—due to natural disaster, war or religion, they become sedentary and morph into the domesticus species. Within the first generation of settling, the F. domesticus integrate into society and engage in civilizational pursuits like trade, scholarship, politics and war. They acquire a new master—the law—which they must obey, as do other peoples, in order to survive and propagate.
The acquisition of a permanent address guarantees them national identities, rights and the opportunity for industry and to indulge in capital accumulation. Thus, since they started to settle in the Chad and Rima basins in the 16th Century, the Fulani became farmers, traders, court clerks, magistrates, local chiefs, emirs and in-laws to millions that are attracted by their morphology, economic status or political position so much so that the Fula DNA today is inextricably embedded the cells of the majority in Hausaland.
From the F. domesticus stock came the 19th Century inventor of the Sokoto Caliphate, Shehu Usman Danfodio. The Jihad he waged contributed in unifying Hausaland—for the first time in its history—and opened up for the Hausa and others lands beyond theirs and sustained an order that guaranteed the civilizational opportunities of peace and industry throughout the 19th Century. The F. domesticus, except in towns and the numerous settlements they formed, have become culturally swallowed by the Hausa through the principal agent of Hausanization—the Hausa language. Thus, the ultimate fate of the F. domesticus in Hausaland is the acquisition of a new socio-political identity called Hausa-Fulani or just Hausa as they are collectively regarded by others.
At the advent of his Jihad, Danfodio looked up to the Fulani stock and appealed for their support. The F. domesticus answered his call from all regions of Hausaland, Borno Empire and the Gongola valley. They became his students and bearers of his flag. Within few years, they conquered the entire Hausa states and engaged the mighty Borno in unending battles in the Northeast for the next 100 years. The disciples of Danfodio and his F. domesticus followers enjoyed the benefits of conquests and became rulers of Hausaland and beyond until they were stripped of power by the white man.
A portion of the F. naturalis answered the call of Danfodio to Islam, some to his appeal to kinship and the rest to the promise of prosperity that his conquests started to fulfil. However, their majority who were still pagans, by the accounts of some historians, refused to substitute their master with Danfodio. They stuck to the cow, lived in the forests, paying cattle tax sometimes, and moving farther away from the areas under the effective political domination of the caliphate, avoid the restraints of religion and constraints of the law—the master in the civilizational order commanded by Danfodio and other F. domesticus cousins.
Danfodio was not happy with the rejection from his cousins, the F. naturalis. He abandoned their chase and said, according to oral tradition, “Go and continue to live the life of nomads, in which you will never settle down.” The words of the Shehu took effect. From the highlands of Adamawa to the basins of Chad, Rima, Niger and Benue rivers, the old and new F. naturalis enjoyed the bliss promised by the forest and the wild order associated with paganism. Over they years, many were compelled by circumstances listed above to abandon the master, settle down, embrace Islam and move with civilization. Most, however, remained pagans and nomads until of recent when a new political order in post-colonial Nigeria encroached into the forests.
The New Order
The new order introduced high doses of the downside of civilization—corruption and poverty—and gave back little of its benefits—equity, rights and prosperity. In some places the F. naturalis is denied even dwelling the forest by ascendant forces of ethnic nationalism that finds expression in tribal politics and mass killings. In others, population explosion and desert encroachment have colluded to deprive the forest of pasture and water. In some, still, the entire forests were sold to urban bourgeoisie who want monopoly of its gold and other mineral resources. Such acquisitions usually come with the attendant depopulation of the forest by fomenting crisis to make the areas ungovernable, as we see in most mineral rich regions of the world.
That is how Fula who fled from the theocratic government of Danfodio are today faced with the monster of a government that is set to wipe them out altogether. Their protector—the forest—is itself a victim and their master—the cow—cannot take them anywhere as all forests have come to be within the reach of this monster. They are trapped. They must, as any living thing would do under the dictates of its survival instinct, fight back with all the tools at its disposal. Ignorant of precepts of religion and the refinement of law, the forest species of the Fulani does not respect order. To him everything is about strength. Looting, killings, rapes, whatever, can be employed to revenge or to acquire.
Here lie the foundations of the extreme savage behaviour of the F. naturalis in the ongoing banditry of the Northwest that no Hausa or F. domesticus can ever contemplate. Had they answered the call of Danfodio or had the 19th jihadist had the fortune of taking civilization to the forest zones, this banditry would have never occurred. Had nature today been as generous to the savanna as it was yesterday and kept the desert at bay, had we the civilized lived according to the dictates of civilization and being the disciples of its egalitarian concepts of equity and public interest, the forests would have remained, yielding the promise of prosperity to its natural inhabitants and shielding us from the savagery of its population.
In the task of carrying civilization to the forest population or forcing it down their throat, I see as well defined the roles of different stakeholders, if we are serious about ending the ongoing savagery.
That of government is as clear as daylight. It must enforce the law as much as it can. Nothing must prevent it from applying it on anyone abusing the rights of other Nigerians to live peacefully with their lives and property. No compromise. No excuse. This must be applied without respect to any ethnicity—to the Fulani as it is to the Hausa.
Government must also rush to protect what is left of the forest. That will ameliorate the situation as it will revamp hope of successful free-range husbandry among the forest Fulani. In addition, additional economic benefits can be applied through improving the genetics of the stock and the processing of its products. The animal husbandry component in our agricultural policies, programs and projects need to be scaled up. So far, the Fulani gains nothing from them. I cannot find a single centre where I can acquire a $1 straw of virile semen for artificial insemination of my cows, not even in Vom. Government makes perennial noise about fertilizer but has never cared about animal feed and drugs beyond the demand of poultry conglomerates. Grazing reserves and other facilities needed to sustain the health and virility of our large ruminants which were established between 1960s and 1990s are all abandoned, encroached, dysfunctional and dilapidated. That is not to mention security of their cows and lives of their families which are plundered and killed at advent of every crisis especially in Northcentral Nigeria. The cattle Fulani have been on their own.
The activities of miners that allegedly precipitated this crisis and the unmitigated expansion of agriculture into forest reserves need to be checked by local and state governments. Land grabbing and mineral prospecting without environmental impact assessments that would foresee and avoid the consequences of such commercial activity in our forests must be checked by our state governors and the Federal government. Experts on the crisis in the Northwest have specifically implicated this institutional banditry of the elite as its cause—and it goes unabated in other areas as well.
Government must also undertake mass campaigns of educating the forest Fulani. The nomadic education schools invented in the 1990s are moribund and underfunded today, as all attention from Universal Education Board and its state branches—the SUBEBs—focus on schools amongst sedentary populations. The nomadic schools are abandoned in every state, even in states non-hostile to the Fulani. Education is the principal vehicle of civilization. All the bandits arrested confess to having no education, formal or informal, western or Islamic. And they all fall within the age category that would benefitted from our Nomadic Education scheme.
Government must reach out to the forest populations with campaigns and establish its presence there. Broadcasts over radio in their languages and increasing the presence of law enforcement agents and military encampments will go a long way to effacing the safe haven status of such forest. The presence of government must be felt everywhere. With military and police presence, the availability of modern surveillance and communications technology, the F. naturalis cannot be beyond the reach of government as he eluded Danfodio 200 years go.
Finally, government must also prevail on its agents, especially the police, from exploiting the ignorance and helplessness of the forest Fulani to extort him and deprive him of his property. The cows appeal to the primitive acquisition instincts of police officers. Once they arrest a Fulani, they are sure that they have hit a goldmine that will last them months. This too is among the major grudges of our forest stock. Unfortunately, they are not alone. Other Nigerians daily fall victims of this exploitative practice. It is only worse with the Fulani.
The second stakeholder is the Nigerian citizen who comes into contact by address or business with the forest Fulani. In this world, we get what we give. The reaction of the Katsinawa Hausas in Zamfara worsened matters during the early stages of the crisis. Banditry started in the Northeast and Northwest in the mid-1990s and it heightened in the Northeast just after 1999. The northeast approached its purely from the point of view of criminality and its governors controlled it through law enforcement. States like Kano and Kaduna to a large extent also treaded the path of the law and the banditry in places like Falgore forest was stopped.
In Zamfara, however, banditry became ethnicized by the Katsinawa Hausas there. After the police failed to control the banditry, the elites mobilized illiterate village vigilantes who attempted to stop it through meting brutal treatments to the entire ethnic Fulani, not just the suspected culprits. The vigilantes were the law, the police, the judge and the executioners all in one. Settlements were rounded up and massacred; ardos—Fulani leaders—were humiliated before being executed amidst their family members. So collective was this treatment that the Fulani fled the area and migrated southward into the forests of Birnin Gwari and Niger. There, they acquired, and trained in, firearms before returning to their previous homes in Zamfara some few years later. Tam! 😳 They started their revenge by picking on leaders and members of the vigilantes who meted injustice to them in the past.
Then the crisis moved to a collective level on both sides. For example, at a meeting of Katsinawa vigilantes a resolution was passed to kill any Fulani wherever he is seen. The news instantly leaked to the Fulani who quickly responded by attacking the venue and killing anybody they could reach. Hordes of Hausa passengers returning from markets could be ambushed and killed just as the Fulani were killed by the vigilantes.
The crisis escalated beyond the police and the Yari government did not do sufficiently much to stop it by alternative means. The Kastsinawa elites in the South too did not show interest in stopping the crisis as they frustrated the reconciliation effort of late Sheikh Abubakar Tureta Committee which brought peace in Northern Zamfara for two consecutive years. Even as I left Gusau in 2014 after a four day assessment visit, my contact narrated to me how a 71 year old Fulani was killed the previous day after selling his bull and the N145,000 seized by his Hausa vigilante murderer in the glare of the market, just 20 kilometres outside the state capital, Gusau.
As if to worsen an already bad situation, criminal elements among the Fulani who were used to cattle rustling introduced kidnapping into the mix and it soon gained currency among the Fulani and, to a lesser extent, the Hausas as well. In a short time, it spread to neighbouring states of Kaduna, Katsina and Sokoto. The hands of the Fulani became full with ethnic revenge on the one and the lucrative business of kidnapping by their criminals on the other.
It is now too late to waste time apportioning blames. A resolve by both ethnicities to make the law their master will go a long way in resolving the crisis. Community leaders have to be mobilized. Present governments of Zamfara and Katsina States have largely succeeded in taming most of the kidnappers but there are many who for economic reasons are still defiant. Governments, in addition to the many roles we listed above which their overarching position necessitates, must preach and practice the law and encourage mutual respect and forgiveness between the two groups in order to avoid lasting consequences of the ethnic divide.
A week ago, a lady sent me a video showing how indigenous Fulani are increasingly evangelized by Christian preachers. I told her it is a good development. They need religion—Christianity or Islam—to refine them and tame their unbridled orientation. Both will teach them the existence of God, Judgement and restrain them from evil, at least notionally, and where possible cultivate in them a level of piety. They need religion to drag them away from the vagaries of paganism and introduce them to civilization the same way it saved their town brothers, Fula domesticus over the past millennium.
It is wrong to associate the Fulani with Islam as we often do. The Fulani are just as any African folks. Though overwhelmingly Muslim, an allowance must be created in our minds for some becoming Christians, just as there have been many Europeans and Americans converting to Islam.
Here, as Dr. Ahmad Gumi noted recently, the ulema are found wanting. They have not continued with the work of Danfodio with the required vigour. That there are still many pagan Fulani in Nigeria is indicting of their failure. Instead of attending to their self-chosen mission, many of the ulema are today engaged in the race for material accumulation, which shamelessly makes them guests of government houses and agents of political parties! All the kidnappers arrested answer Muslim names but hardly know anything about Islam. The forest is yearning for Islam. The ulema must hearken to its call. If this will be done, a lot will be mitigated.
The detachment of the F. domesticus from his forest cousin is most disappointing. Few town Fulani bother to know the conditions of the indigenous Fulani they left behind in the forest and come to their aid. They learn about their extortion by the police but do nothing about. They see their ignorance, poverty and primitivity but fail to help them overcome them. Instead, the cultural organizations of the F. naturalis join in the fray of extortion and negligence. The F. domesticus are preoccupied with material accumulation—building the tallest houses, riding the best cars, marrying their choice and having the fattest accounts amassed through corruption—the complete antithesis of the Danfodio jihadi principles.
The Fulani respect kinship, pulaaku that is almost religion in status amongst them. It is a lever that can be used to raise them to the level of civilization where their town cousins are today. It can also be used in conflict resolution as seen in the go-between role played recently by the National President of Miyetti Allah Cattle Breeders Association of Nigeria (MACBAN) to resolve the Kankara students abduction crisis. The goodwill that the Fulani has in Northern Nigeria must be harnessed to solve the problems facing their indigenous stock. From the exalted position of the Emirs to the respected position of the ulema and intelligentsia, the opportunity exists to salvage the cattle Fulani from the precipice they stand on today.
Sheikh Tureta through his reconciliation committee in Zamfara had proven that before his death. He wondered why the noble stock of the Fulani would be allowed to degenerate into lawlessness. He went to Zamfara and against even the cooperation of the police braved the fears and travelled into the forests to meet with the forest Fulani. A success story followed his effort. It was a huge loss that he died when his courage, scholarship and pragmatism was most needed.
It is time for others to rise and be counted. We must be the voice of the indigenous Fulani, seeking to establish his rights to education and social amenities, guarding his right to the forest and a large chunk of the agriculture budget of all tiers of government, building bridges of harmony between him and the multitudes of ethnic groups he lives with, etc. Only when the Fula domesticus rise to the occasion would Danfodio’s work be completed. Otherwise, the task will remain unfinished and the nation will continue to taste the unpleasant consequences of our failure for some time to come.
By Dr. Aliyu U. Tilde
19 December 2020
Northwest: now a Bandistan for all the wrong reasons
You see, I don’t like what Oby Ezekwesili said about the kids’ return, but I didn’t elect Ezekwesili. I prefer to keep receipts for the utterances or actions of private individuals so I can produce copies when they decide to contest or seek my vote.
On the contrary, I reserve my outrage for elected officials whose jobs it was to make sure the kidnap didn’t happen in the first place. It is funny how government works in this part of the world, with everyone rushing to take credit for the boys’ release but no one willing to take responsibility for the initial abduction.
I see some folks here trying to weave a conspiracy theory around a certain governor as being a banditry financier without any shred of evidence. These accusations are as dangerous and foolish as those who claim the abduction was staged. Peddlers of those conspiracy theories belong to the same end of the stupidity spectrum.
We have to be thankful that the boys were released, by whatever means possible. But we don’t have to live in the illusion that it will not happen again until we take real steps to secure our communities. It was obvious Shekau wanted to cash in on the tragedy by reaching out to the Fulani militias to exchange the children, knowing the political and financial value they hold from his Chibok experience.
Thank God local stakeholders were able to step in and made contacts very early before the boys were moved outside the northwest. The first 48 hours is very crucial in any hostage situation. With his humiliation, Shekau will no doubt try to save face by carrying out some kidnappings that will draw the country’s attention. I hope our security agencies are looking at this angle.
Government needs to pay serious attention to what’s happening in the Northwest, which is now a Bandistan for all the wrong reasons. With people unable to farm or trade, we are setting up a vicious cycle that will push our societies into the abyss of violence, poverty and ignorance. Restoring peace and stability should be the sole focus of government in those areas.
Last year I was in one of the unstable LGAs in Niger State as part of a survey for some livelihoods programming. During FGDs with local stakeholders, they made it clear that they don’t want to talk about any development. Their priority, as they kept saying, is security. Without security they cannot farm, trade or do any of the normal things in life.
A lot of solutions are being proposed, from arming local militias to mass recruitment of locals into the country’s security forces. I wish it were that simple. The problem is multifaceted, one that military force alone cannot solve, but you need force to demonstrate to any criminal or would-be criminal that they will pay a heavy price for their insurrection, to dialogue from a position of strength.
Beyond that, we need to restore and strengthen the social and economic structures in our rural communities. Absence of governance at the local level has direct effect on the collapse of social system and erosion of traditional law enforcement structures in our local communities. The two negatively reinforce each other.
So far, there seems to be no indication that Mr. President has a clue about how to bring an end to this menace. I only hope and pray that he proves me wrong.
By Ahmed Musa Hussaini
PRP Board of Trustees Expresses Confidence In Falalu Bello-Led Exco
The Board of Trustees (BOT) of the Peoples Redemption Party (PRP) has passed a vote of confidence on the party’s National Executives led by Alhaji Falalu Bello, OFR.
The members of the board made this known in a communiqué issued at the end of their meeting in Abuja on Thursday.
The communiqué, which had the signatures of former Minister of Commerce, Engr. Mustapha Bello, Dr. Segun Falope, Engr. Chris Onyeodizuchu, Alhaji Aji Mala, among others, revealed that the meeting was specifically summoned to consider urgent current developments within the party.
Part of the communiqué further reads: “After exhaustive, frank and fruitful deliberations on all the issues tabled before the meeting, the members of the BOT have resolved as follows:
“To express and convey the PRP BOT’s absolute confidence in, and satisfaction with, the leadership of the Party’s National Executive Committee [NEC] under the Chairmanship of Alh. Falalu Bello and with its strenuous and focused efforts at repositioning the PRP for greater relevance and impact in the Nigerian political space.
“To unreservedly endorse the Programmes of Action approved and rolled out by both the National Executive Committee [NEC] and National Working Committee [NWC] of the PRP covering the period August 2020 August 2021 which will culminate with the holding of the Party’s National Convention.
“To condemn in clear and unmistaken terms attempts by a few misguided and errant elements within the Party to create dissent, misunderstandings and factions within the PRP, noting in particular that this is contrary to the letter and spirit of the Party’s extant constitutional provisions and Code of Conduct for members which explicitly frown at all anti-Party activities and conduct likely to embarrass the Party or bring the Party into hatred, contempt, ridicule or disrepute.”