Customarily, elected officials celebrate their first year in office by showcasing achievements recorded during the period under review.
For the current Bauchi State governor, the situation is more like a water glass that is filled by half. From one perspective you can see the glass half-full, changing your outlook means you can also see it half-empty. This is because the new administration has a bittersweet experiences, some are worthy of celebration while some are stories not to remember.
Borrowing a leaf from Sheikh Abdul-Aziz Dutsen Tanshi, below is my HISABI (judgment) of Kauran Bauchi led administration as it clocks one year in office.
1. Taking Over From the Previous Administration
Upon swearing into office Senator Bala kick started his administration by dissolving all appointments, promotions, confirmations and transfers conducted during the transition period.
He explained that the dissolution involved the State Civil Service and Traditional Institutions, and allocation of land and other government properties to cronies of his predecessor.
He also constituted a high powered committee that is populated with archenemies of the preceding governor to recover all the looted funds and properties as his Government has resolved to reinforce Treasury Single Account to block all leakages in governance.
That committee was not able to recover 10% of what was claimed to have been looted in spite of the amount of money they engulfed as allowances.
After all the blame games, it’s understood that the previous administration had left some important negotiations, agreements and had signed MOUs with some critical stakeholders and private donors, and where possible counter funds were paid.
Another part of the inaugural speech that drew the attention of most people were the promises pronounced by the new governor which include; giving priority to the prompt payment of workers’ entitlements, payment of the outstanding entitlements of retired civil servants.
He also expressed readiness for fishing out ghost workers in civil service, training and retraining of workers as well as unveiling empowerment programs to address the anomalies of unemployment.
He also promised to improve the economy by creating ways of boosting IGR and by collaborating with NNPC in order to enhance the oil exploration at the oil discovery site in Alkaleri.
He also promised to reduce significantly the number of out of school children.
Some of these pledges were stipulated to be fulfilled in the first hundred days.
Unfortunately, up to this moment, only one of these promises is kept i.e, prompt payment of salaries. I will not celebrate N100 million gratuity per month that is not consistently released, because the state needs N20 billion to settle that matter. Leave grants are not paid as promised and no ghost workers were found after series of verification despite the Dogara allegation of 20,000 ghost workers against MA Abubakar.
The verification committee where only able to force about 200 genuine workers off the state’s payroll since October 2019, for no fault of theirs, only for the Sen. Adamu Gumba led Verification Committee to save its face for the failure to uncover the purported ghost workers.
3. Cabinet formation
Senator Bala must be commended for the dexterity he exhibited in forming his cabinet, in less than hundred days in office, he was able to appoints SSG, COS, HOCS, SCOPA, commissioners, caretaker chairmen, S.As as well as some heads of agencies.
Most commendable among all the appointments offered so far are that of Dr. Aliyu Tilde and Dr. Aminu Gamawa who are termed by the general public as capable hands. This aspect would have been hundred percent perfect if not because of the premature resignation that hit the administration, where some key appointees such as finance commissioner, COS, Special adviser on political matter etc. called it quit.
Nepotism is another bitter possession of Kaura led administration, where important appointments are reserved for only friends and family despite the pledge to work with qualified people from all affiliations and backgrounds.
The election in Bauchi House of Assembly (BAHA) will go down in history as one of the worse abuse of democracy to ever happen in Bauchi State, where with the influence of Governor Bala eleven members defeated twenty majority. Kauran Bauchi promised to govern the state based on international best practices. Regardless, he superintended the BAHA atrocity. This is condemnable even though the persecuted legislators succumbed to the governor’s wish and forged reconciliation between the aggrieved factions.
This administration is hatching enemies out of its supporters, the deteriorating relationship with the likes of Abdul Ningi, Yakubu Dogara, Isah Hamma, Malam Idris Dusten Tanshi, etc. is a very bad politics. The abrupt ban of Achaba and Almajiranci at this critical economic situation is another decision that would cost Kaura a large chunk of his supporters.
5. Development Projects
In his attempt to improve the collapsed critical infrastructure, Senator Bala flagged off road construction projects across the states; N3 billion naira Sade to Akuyam road, two roads worth N1 billion naira in Azare, N8 billion Alkaleri to Tafawa road, roads in Bauchi town at the cost of five billion naira. He also commissioned Bauchi metropolis water supply project, announced readiness to renovate 20 LGAs secretariats, awarded the reconstruction of Zaki District Head Palace.
Governor Bala was able to renovate 405 and constructed 270 number of classrooms across the state. Kaura also released N200 million for improving power supply and street lights in the state. This is indeed laudable even though the amount speculated to have spent on these classrooms (N3 billion) is questionable.
The bitter part of this infrastructural overhaul is lack of continuity and marginalization. Allocating N13 billion road projects for Bauchi south, N3 billion for Bauchi central and only N1 billion roads for Bauchi North is unbelievably disgusting.
Also, halting the projects started by the previous administration is not helping matters, because continuity is sine qou non.
Governor Bala promised to improve Bauchi State education by providing necessary infrastructural facilities, employing more teachers, training and retraining staff, and partnership with Federal Government, and NGOs in reducing the alarming rate of out-of-school children.
On this part, Kaura must be commended for building and renovating hundreds of classrooms as well as giving Dr. Tilde a free hand to transform Bauchi state education sector.
As much as I wanted to score Kaura 10/10 in this regard, the termination of 1000 scholarship students of Malikiyya College and the decision not to pay for SS 3 students’ WAEC fees are holding me back.
The said Bauchi state declaration of state of emergency on education is seemingly limited to building and renovating classrooms, careless of teachers’ welfare among other things.
Governor Bala is said to have declared the State of Emergency in the Health Sector, but there is no evidence for that anywhere in the state. The only notable move was the collaboration with SDGs in distribution of the donated six ambulances to General Hospital Darazo, Garin Na Allah PHC, Gobiya PHC, Udubo Maternity, and Mashema PHC. These were procured by Gov. MA Abubakar towards the end of his tenure.
Corona virus further exposes Kaura’s underperformance in Bauchi state health sector. From the inception of this administration to date there is nearly no any significant change in our general hospitals, which is appalling.
Kauran Bauchi has launched a Youth Empowerment Program that will engage 20,000 youths across all the Local Governments of the state as part of his administration effort to end sycophancy and thuggery in the state.
However, the empowerment program is yet to take off. He also approved the Establishment of Petroleum studies and Skills Acquisition institute at his hometown, Alkaleri.
Bala also has joined other States of the Federation in keying into Ruga Settlement Initiative to help boost agriculture. This is laudable but not enough, Kaura should try and make Bauchi an investment friendly state and then woo domestic and foreign investors to come and tap our potentialities.
Effort should also be made to revive state owned moribund enterprises in order to boost our IGR. The Adda Gate that involved the purchase of N3.6 billion worth of official cars which featured Governor Bala and his allies is a very big blow to Bauchi state’s crawling economy. The money should have been invested in health, education and agriculture. The upsurge of the state payroll from N5.2 billion to about N7 billion and lack of transparency in budget process are also hurting our economy.
Nothing worthwhile! The recruitment of 2000 women for teaching jobs announced by this administration is still hanging in the balance, nobody knows what stalls the process. Shall we blame COVID-19 as MA Abubakar blamed economic recession?
With this armchair analysis, we are safe to assume that the current administration is doing well in some areas and clearly lacking in many other areas. I, therefore, enjoin the good people of Bauchi State to support and celebrate this government’s achievements and frown upon its wrong decisions and criticize constructively where applicable and necessary.
Adamu Bello Mäi-Bödi,
writes from Gidado Bombiyo Residence,
Palestine and the Quest for Justice, by Dr. Aliyu Tilde
In the 1970s, Patrick Wilmot, Bala Usman and other progressive scholars instilled in their students the quest for justice. With that Nigeria supported anti-apartheid movement and the independence of nations like Angola, Mozambique and Zimbabwe. No one ever asked whether they were Muslims or Christians.
Today, so many youths are taught to support injustice based on sentiments. On the one hand, many clap at the massacre of members of other sect as we saw in the Zaria massacre. On the other, many relish to see homes seized from and towers are collapsed on their Palestinian residents. Both are fed the toxins of sectarian politics by clerics and politicians.
A youth who does not hate injustice has lost the sweetest ingredient of life. He matures with a barren and dark heart. He grows to be like that blind dog that barks south of the Niger when blood is spilled and thousands are rendered homeless elsewhere.
There is no difference between Zionism and apartheid as Prof. P. Wilmot repeated said in the 1970s. I support Israel whenever it seeks peace with its neighbours. I even hope to visit it one day. But I condemn it strongly—and will continue to do so—on its Zionist agenda of apartheid and other forms of injustice to Palestinian Muslims and Christians. Be on the same page with me.
Dr. Aliyu U. Tilde
16 May 2021
My message to the Nigerian media By Kadaria Ahmed
It is with a heavy heart, worry about Nigeria and a sense of impending doom that I am sending this message to my colleagues in the media.
Let me begin with a question, what exactly will we gain if Nigeria descends into war? How does it advance us, if our fellow citizens turn on each other and begin large scale ethnic killings, against each other? Let me even assume that a few of us don’t believe in Nigeria anymore and want to see it broken into its constituent parts. How does enabling ethnic strife help achieve this objective in a way that guarantees the outcome you want?
For sometime now, many of us have thrown away the book on ethical reporting, propelled by emotion, we have betrayed every moral consideration that assigns our noble profession a role so significant we are seen as the last hope of the common man, so much so our jobs are constitutionally protected.
Despite numerous examples that exist which have proved, including not too long ago in Rwanda, that the conduct of the media can help in, promoting, starting and perpetuating violence and ethnic strife, we have turned a deaf ear to pleas to not become a tool that enables hate. But we have failed to heed these warnings.
We have given platforms to the worst among us, the extremists and the blood thirsty. We have turned militia leaders and criminals into champions. Instead of us to lead calm and rational discuss on the existential challenges we face with a view to promoting actionable solutions, we have succumbed to hysteria and the next exciting click bait headline.
And yet for many of us, especially media owners, this place called Nigeria has been relatively good.
This country has given many of us more opportunity than the majority of our fellow citizens. We have reaped a bountiful havest from this place. We have done so well that, if God forbid, this country is consumed, and chaos reigns, many of us will hop on a plane and bugger off to the many different countries abroad where our families live in peace, even though they are not native to those places.
We will run off and leave our foot soldiers, our reporters and headline writers, who we allowed maybe even ecouraged to go down this path to navigate a country at war, alone and perhaps without the ability to fully protect their families both immediate and extended from the horrors that will follow.
And there is no doubt it will be horrific. The play book is written and tested. We saw it in Sierra Leone, in Liberia, in Rwanda and more recently in South Sudan and the Central African Republic.
There will be killings in the thousands, limbs will be chopped off with machettes, women and girls will be raped, food will be scarce, fear will reign. The most brutal among us will take charge. And their word will be law. They will not tolerate journalists who try to hold them accountable.
And these horrors will not always come from the bogeyman we have been at great pains to create and project. It will come from the militia leaders fighting to take control of our neigbohoods and increasingly scarce resources. This is not a film script. This is the reality of war.
Our job is to hold power accountable and it is exactly what it should be.
The focus on those in charge, especially President Muhammadu Buhari, should be relentless and loud and insistent.
But when the killings happen and they seem to have already begun, it is not the President’s family, nor that of his Ministers nor indeed anyone with any kind of serious influence that will mostly die.
It is regular folks, people already forced to travel and move in order to eke out a living , settlers, across all of Nigeria.
The ignoble role we are now playing in bringing this country to chaos is at odds with most of our history. We have always being the ones Nigerians could rely on to lift our voices, together for the betterment of this country.
Our proud history of fighting colonialist masters, carried on with the fight against military dictatorship, to standing up to civilian governments that tried to perpetuate themselves in office.
I don’t know at which point we decided that a focus on ethnic profiling despite the repeated warnings about where this leads, would be a good idea.
So here we are today about to be consumed by the hate we have stoked.
They will write about us , just as they wrote about our colleagues in Rwanda. That we fanned the flames of ethnic hate, and enabled them consume our country.
They will write about us in the first person, because we live in a digital age and the internet never forgets and records last forever. They will identify us individually, and sooner or later a few of us will end up before an international court.
What we do today and what will count is whether we had the courage associated with our profession to buck the trend, jump off the bandwagon and do what is right instead of getting swept away by the moment, forgetting ourselves and the ethics that should guide us all .
In the end, we all die, but while we live, we write our legacy. It is not too late to make it one that saved our country from the brink.
By Kadaria Ahmed
Fulani: The Unfinished Work of Danfodio By Dr. Aliyu Tilde
The Fulani in the past few years are in our minds and news for the wrong reason—the banditry that has plagued the Northwest countryside. In the North today, Fulani in popular parlance connotes the cattle Fulani, whom I humorously classified as Fula naturalis in my 1999 column. Unlike their cousins, the town Fulani—Fula domesticus—who have enjoyed and partook in building civilizations across West and Central Africa, F. naturalis have very limited contact with civilization. Their life is defined by cattle and forest.
The cow—the master of the F. naturalis—is their sole merchandise and currency. It defines their geography. They follow the master to wherever its interest of pasture and water lead, thus denying them a permanent address or nationality but assuring them over the centuries of an enduring economy that sustains their republican disposition and freedom from political subservience of numerous city states and empires. With the guide of this master, they witnessed the rise and fall of ancient Ghana, Mali, Songhai, Borno and the Hausa States and negotiated the Continent’s savanna forests from Senegal in the West to The Sudan and Ethiopia in the East and Congo in the South.
When they lose the master—or the master loses them—due to natural disaster, war or religion, they become sedentary and morph into the domesticus species. Within the first generation of settling, the F. domesticus integrate into society and engage in civilizational pursuits like trade, scholarship, politics and war. They acquire a new master—the law—which they must obey, as do other peoples, in order to survive and propagate.
The acquisition of a permanent address guarantees them national identities, rights and the opportunity for industry and to indulge in capital accumulation. Thus, since they started to settle in the Chad and Rima basins in the 16th Century, the Fulani became farmers, traders, court clerks, magistrates, local chiefs, emirs and in-laws to millions that are attracted by their morphology, economic status or political position so much so that the Fula DNA today is inextricably embedded the cells of the majority in Hausaland.
From the F. domesticus stock came the 19th Century inventor of the Sokoto Caliphate, Shehu Usman Danfodio. The Jihad he waged contributed in unifying Hausaland—for the first time in its history—and opened up for the Hausa and others lands beyond theirs and sustained an order that guaranteed the civilizational opportunities of peace and industry throughout the 19th Century. The F. domesticus, except in towns and the numerous settlements they formed, have become culturally swallowed by the Hausa through the principal agent of Hausanization—the Hausa language. Thus, the ultimate fate of the F. domesticus in Hausaland is the acquisition of a new socio-political identity called Hausa-Fulani or just Hausa as they are collectively regarded by others.
At the advent of his Jihad, Danfodio looked up to the Fulani stock and appealed for their support. The F. domesticus answered his call from all regions of Hausaland, Borno Empire and the Gongola valley. They became his students and bearers of his flag. Within few years, they conquered the entire Hausa states and engaged the mighty Borno in unending battles in the Northeast for the next 100 years. The disciples of Danfodio and his F. domesticus followers enjoyed the benefits of conquests and became rulers of Hausaland and beyond until they were stripped of power by the white man.
A portion of the F. naturalis answered the call of Danfodio to Islam, some to his appeal to kinship and the rest to the promise of prosperity that his conquests started to fulfil. However, their majority who were still pagans, by the accounts of some historians, refused to substitute their master with Danfodio. They stuck to the cow, lived in the forests, paying cattle tax sometimes, and moving farther away from the areas under the effective political domination of the caliphate, avoid the restraints of religion and constraints of the law—the master in the civilizational order commanded by Danfodio and other F. domesticus cousins.
Danfodio was not happy with the rejection from his cousins, the F. naturalis. He abandoned their chase and said, according to oral tradition, “Go and continue to live the life of nomads, in which you will never settle down.” The words of the Shehu took effect. From the highlands of Adamawa to the basins of Chad, Rima, Niger and Benue rivers, the old and new F. naturalis enjoyed the bliss promised by the forest and the wild order associated with paganism. Over they years, many were compelled by circumstances listed above to abandon the master, settle down, embrace Islam and move with civilization. Most, however, remained pagans and nomads until of recent when a new political order in post-colonial Nigeria encroached into the forests.
The New Order
The new order introduced high doses of the downside of civilization—corruption and poverty—and gave back little of its benefits—equity, rights and prosperity. In some places the F. naturalis is denied even dwelling the forest by ascendant forces of ethnic nationalism that finds expression in tribal politics and mass killings. In others, population explosion and desert encroachment have colluded to deprive the forest of pasture and water. In some, still, the entire forests were sold to urban bourgeoisie who want monopoly of its gold and other mineral resources. Such acquisitions usually come with the attendant depopulation of the forest by fomenting crisis to make the areas ungovernable, as we see in most mineral rich regions of the world.
That is how Fula who fled from the theocratic government of Danfodio are today faced with the monster of a government that is set to wipe them out altogether. Their protector—the forest—is itself a victim and their master—the cow—cannot take them anywhere as all forests have come to be within the reach of this monster. They are trapped. They must, as any living thing would do under the dictates of its survival instinct, fight back with all the tools at its disposal. Ignorant of precepts of religion and the refinement of law, the forest species of the Fulani does not respect order. To him everything is about strength. Looting, killings, rapes, whatever, can be employed to revenge or to acquire.
Here lie the foundations of the extreme savage behaviour of the F. naturalis in the ongoing banditry of the Northwest that no Hausa or F. domesticus can ever contemplate. Had they answered the call of Danfodio or had the 19th jihadist had the fortune of taking civilization to the forest zones, this banditry would have never occurred. Had nature today been as generous to the savanna as it was yesterday and kept the desert at bay, had we the civilized lived according to the dictates of civilization and being the disciples of its egalitarian concepts of equity and public interest, the forests would have remained, yielding the promise of prosperity to its natural inhabitants and shielding us from the savagery of its population.
In the task of carrying civilization to the forest population or forcing it down their throat, I see as well defined the roles of different stakeholders, if we are serious about ending the ongoing savagery.
That of government is as clear as daylight. It must enforce the law as much as it can. Nothing must prevent it from applying it on anyone abusing the rights of other Nigerians to live peacefully with their lives and property. No compromise. No excuse. This must be applied without respect to any ethnicity—to the Fulani as it is to the Hausa.
Government must also rush to protect what is left of the forest. That will ameliorate the situation as it will revamp hope of successful free-range husbandry among the forest Fulani. In addition, additional economic benefits can be applied through improving the genetics of the stock and the processing of its products. The animal husbandry component in our agricultural policies, programs and projects need to be scaled up. So far, the Fulani gains nothing from them. I cannot find a single centre where I can acquire a $1 straw of virile semen for artificial insemination of my cows, not even in Vom. Government makes perennial noise about fertilizer but has never cared about animal feed and drugs beyond the demand of poultry conglomerates. Grazing reserves and other facilities needed to sustain the health and virility of our large ruminants which were established between 1960s and 1990s are all abandoned, encroached, dysfunctional and dilapidated. That is not to mention security of their cows and lives of their families which are plundered and killed at advent of every crisis especially in Northcentral Nigeria. The cattle Fulani have been on their own.
The activities of miners that allegedly precipitated this crisis and the unmitigated expansion of agriculture into forest reserves need to be checked by local and state governments. Land grabbing and mineral prospecting without environmental impact assessments that would foresee and avoid the consequences of such commercial activity in our forests must be checked by our state governors and the Federal government. Experts on the crisis in the Northwest have specifically implicated this institutional banditry of the elite as its cause—and it goes unabated in other areas as well.
Government must also undertake mass campaigns of educating the forest Fulani. The nomadic education schools invented in the 1990s are moribund and underfunded today, as all attention from Universal Education Board and its state branches—the SUBEBs—focus on schools amongst sedentary populations. The nomadic schools are abandoned in every state, even in states non-hostile to the Fulani. Education is the principal vehicle of civilization. All the bandits arrested confess to having no education, formal or informal, western or Islamic. And they all fall within the age category that would benefitted from our Nomadic Education scheme.
Government must reach out to the forest populations with campaigns and establish its presence there. Broadcasts over radio in their languages and increasing the presence of law enforcement agents and military encampments will go a long way to effacing the safe haven status of such forest. The presence of government must be felt everywhere. With military and police presence, the availability of modern surveillance and communications technology, the F. naturalis cannot be beyond the reach of government as he eluded Danfodio 200 years go.
Finally, government must also prevail on its agents, especially the police, from exploiting the ignorance and helplessness of the forest Fulani to extort him and deprive him of his property. The cows appeal to the primitive acquisition instincts of police officers. Once they arrest a Fulani, they are sure that they have hit a goldmine that will last them months. This too is among the major grudges of our forest stock. Unfortunately, they are not alone. Other Nigerians daily fall victims of this exploitative practice. It is only worse with the Fulani.
The second stakeholder is the Nigerian citizen who comes into contact by address or business with the forest Fulani. In this world, we get what we give. The reaction of the Katsinawa Hausas in Zamfara worsened matters during the early stages of the crisis. Banditry started in the Northeast and Northwest in the mid-1990s and it heightened in the Northeast just after 1999. The northeast approached its purely from the point of view of criminality and its governors controlled it through law enforcement. States like Kano and Kaduna to a large extent also treaded the path of the law and the banditry in places like Falgore forest was stopped.
In Zamfara, however, banditry became ethnicized by the Katsinawa Hausas there. After the police failed to control the banditry, the elites mobilized illiterate village vigilantes who attempted to stop it through meting brutal treatments to the entire ethnic Fulani, not just the suspected culprits. The vigilantes were the law, the police, the judge and the executioners all in one. Settlements were rounded up and massacred; ardos—Fulani leaders—were humiliated before being executed amidst their family members. So collective was this treatment that the Fulani fled the area and migrated southward into the forests of Birnin Gwari and Niger. There, they acquired, and trained in, firearms before returning to their previous homes in Zamfara some few years later. Tam! 😳 They started their revenge by picking on leaders and members of the vigilantes who meted injustice to them in the past.
Then the crisis moved to a collective level on both sides. For example, at a meeting of Katsinawa vigilantes a resolution was passed to kill any Fulani wherever he is seen. The news instantly leaked to the Fulani who quickly responded by attacking the venue and killing anybody they could reach. Hordes of Hausa passengers returning from markets could be ambushed and killed just as the Fulani were killed by the vigilantes.
The crisis escalated beyond the police and the Yari government did not do sufficiently much to stop it by alternative means. The Kastsinawa elites in the South too did not show interest in stopping the crisis as they frustrated the reconciliation effort of late Sheikh Abubakar Tureta Committee which brought peace in Northern Zamfara for two consecutive years. Even as I left Gusau in 2014 after a four day assessment visit, my contact narrated to me how a 71 year old Fulani was killed the previous day after selling his bull and the N145,000 seized by his Hausa vigilante murderer in the glare of the market, just 20 kilometres outside the state capital, Gusau.
As if to worsen an already bad situation, criminal elements among the Fulani who were used to cattle rustling introduced kidnapping into the mix and it soon gained currency among the Fulani and, to a lesser extent, the Hausas as well. In a short time, it spread to neighbouring states of Kaduna, Katsina and Sokoto. The hands of the Fulani became full with ethnic revenge on the one and the lucrative business of kidnapping by their criminals on the other.
It is now too late to waste time apportioning blames. A resolve by both ethnicities to make the law their master will go a long way in resolving the crisis. Community leaders have to be mobilized. Present governments of Zamfara and Katsina States have largely succeeded in taming most of the kidnappers but there are many who for economic reasons are still defiant. Governments, in addition to the many roles we listed above which their overarching position necessitates, must preach and practice the law and encourage mutual respect and forgiveness between the two groups in order to avoid lasting consequences of the ethnic divide.
A week ago, a lady sent me a video showing how indigenous Fulani are increasingly evangelized by Christian preachers. I told her it is a good development. They need religion—Christianity or Islam—to refine them and tame their unbridled orientation. Both will teach them the existence of God, Judgement and restrain them from evil, at least notionally, and where possible cultivate in them a level of piety. They need religion to drag them away from the vagaries of paganism and introduce them to civilization the same way it saved their town brothers, Fula domesticus over the past millennium.
It is wrong to associate the Fulani with Islam as we often do. The Fulani are just as any African folks. Though overwhelmingly Muslim, an allowance must be created in our minds for some becoming Christians, just as there have been many Europeans and Americans converting to Islam.
Here, as Dr. Ahmad Gumi noted recently, the ulema are found wanting. They have not continued with the work of Danfodio with the required vigour. That there are still many pagan Fulani in Nigeria is indicting of their failure. Instead of attending to their self-chosen mission, many of the ulema are today engaged in the race for material accumulation, which shamelessly makes them guests of government houses and agents of political parties! All the kidnappers arrested answer Muslim names but hardly know anything about Islam. The forest is yearning for Islam. The ulema must hearken to its call. If this will be done, a lot will be mitigated.
The detachment of the F. domesticus from his forest cousin is most disappointing. Few town Fulani bother to know the conditions of the indigenous Fulani they left behind in the forest and come to their aid. They learn about their extortion by the police but do nothing about. They see their ignorance, poverty and primitivity but fail to help them overcome them. Instead, the cultural organizations of the F. naturalis join in the fray of extortion and negligence. The F. domesticus are preoccupied with material accumulation—building the tallest houses, riding the best cars, marrying their choice and having the fattest accounts amassed through corruption—the complete antithesis of the Danfodio jihadi principles.
The Fulani respect kinship, pulaaku that is almost religion in status amongst them. It is a lever that can be used to raise them to the level of civilization where their town cousins are today. It can also be used in conflict resolution as seen in the go-between role played recently by the National President of Miyetti Allah Cattle Breeders Association of Nigeria (MACBAN) to resolve the Kankara students abduction crisis. The goodwill that the Fulani has in Northern Nigeria must be harnessed to solve the problems facing their indigenous stock. From the exalted position of the Emirs to the respected position of the ulema and intelligentsia, the opportunity exists to salvage the cattle Fulani from the precipice they stand on today.
Sheikh Tureta through his reconciliation committee in Zamfara had proven that before his death. He wondered why the noble stock of the Fulani would be allowed to degenerate into lawlessness. He went to Zamfara and against even the cooperation of the police braved the fears and travelled into the forests to meet with the forest Fulani. A success story followed his effort. It was a huge loss that he died when his courage, scholarship and pragmatism was most needed.
It is time for others to rise and be counted. We must be the voice of the indigenous Fulani, seeking to establish his rights to education and social amenities, guarding his right to the forest and a large chunk of the agriculture budget of all tiers of government, building bridges of harmony between him and the multitudes of ethnic groups he lives with, etc. Only when the Fula domesticus rise to the occasion would Danfodio’s work be completed. Otherwise, the task will remain unfinished and the nation will continue to taste the unpleasant consequences of our failure for some time to come.
By Dr. Aliyu U. Tilde
19 December 2020